9 Feminist Frameworks and Gender-Based Exclusions: A View From the South

Susanne Gannon^a, Jacqueline Ullman^b, Thais Gavas^c and Jorge Knijnik^d

^aSchool of Education, Western Sydney University, Australia

^bSchool of Education, Western Sydney University, Australia

^cFundação Carlos Chagas (FCC), Brazil

^dSchool of Education, Western Sydney University, Australia

Abstract

This chapter explores feminist struggles and gender-based exclusions across Australia, Brazil and Latin America, tracing how activism emerges in everyday, institutional, and public spaces. Drawing on María Lugones’ concept of the coloniality of gender and her call for “deep coalitions”, we examine how solidarity across differences sustains resistance to sexism, racism and colonial legacies. In Australian universities, women and gender-diverse academics encounter everyday sexisms that persist despite official equity frameworks. In Brazil, the #EleNão (“Not Him”) movement mobilised millions against Bolsonaro’s misogyny and homophobia, leaving a legacy of feminist visibility and collective resistance. In Latin America, women’s football becomes a site of counter-hegemonic struggle, reclaiming space within patriarchal and colonial traditions. In Australian schools, students advocate for gender inclusivity and fluidity, challenging institutional barriers. Across these contexts, the chapter demonstrates that gender justice is incremental, collaborative and grounded in solidarity, demanding persistence and community engagement for meaningful change.

Keywords

gender justice, feminist activism, coloniality of gender, everyday sexisms, #EleNão movement, feminist football, student voice

Diálogos Sur Sur is a series of seminars initiated on 7 June 2018, in Santiago, Chile, when Australian researchers co-presented alongside Chilean researchers on panels. On the day of the inaugural seminar, the main thoroughfare of Santiago, Avenida Libertador Bernardo O’Higgins, was occupied by students marching against sexual harassment in education. This was an early sign of what became a nationwide student-led feminist uprising against patriarchal structures that perpetrated gender violence and protected abusers. University campuses across the country were blockaded or occupied, including the Law faculty of the University of Chile, where the seminar was originally scheduled, where a prominent perpetrator was employed as a professor. Student strikes extended to secondary schools and colleges. Student demands included a non-sexist, gender-inclusive curriculum and a range of other resources, supports and policy reforms (Desai, 2018). Extended feminist action continued throughout the following year and included diverse actions and outcomes, including formal investigations, through to the globally viral street performance of “Un violador en tu camino” (“A rapist in your path”) by performance collective Las Tesis (Francis, 2019). From its origins then, through to the present, Diálogos Sur Sur have been entangled with activism around gender injustice.

This chapter surveys our research and perspectives on gender-based exclusions and activisms in our countries. In the years since the first Sur Sur event, gender-based issues have been contentious in all our countries. Australia has identified widespread sexual assault in universities (HREC, 2017), and sexual assault among young women from secondary schools has been documented as a significant problem (Contos, 2023). Although some social change is apparent, such as the national Marriage Equality postal vote legalising same sex marriage in 2017, backlash is also evident. Religious schools, which are rapidly increasing as a proportion of educational provision, continue to be exempt from the Sex Discrimination Act, allowing them to discriminate against students and staff based on sexual orientation, gender identity, marital status and pregnancy. Conservative politicians have also tried to introduce restrictions on state schools. A NSW Senator put forward a Parental Rights Bill in 2020 that would forbid all school staff from addressing gender or sexuality diversity with students in that state. Widespread concern about sexual assault against women instigated a national Australian Women’s March4Justice in March 2021. In Brazil, former president Bolsonaro attacked what he called “gender ideology” in schools and universities, supporting conservative groups to spread discrimination, symbolic and physical violence towards gender-diverse students (Junqueira, 2022).

Although in some ways we face parallel issues, they arise in distinct national and cultural contexts, with diverse histories and discursive frameworks. How do we draw across such differences? Each of our nations is also seeking a path through violent colonial legacies that continue to marginalise First Peoples. We are drawn to the work of Argentine philosopher Maria Lugones on the coloniality of gender. Lugones (2010; 2016) elaborates the interdependence of gender, race and class within the violent projects of colonialism, Christianity, and modernity. According to her theory of the colonial/gender system, oppressions are intermeshed within systems of power that mean they cannot be separated. Gender is a colonial imposition of hierarchies and dichotomies that erases the complexities of thick social and community life. Lugones’ work offers hope and a practical framework for resistance that identifies important dimensions of feminist work. It reintroduces embodied, relational and fragmented subjectivity as the locus of resistance. Lugones foregrounds the importance of community and solidarity in the pursuit of justice. It is in collaboration with others that change can most effectively be sought. Each of the instances of gender injustice that we have outlined and the moments and movements of activism that we include in this chapter is collaborative and community-building. People who work together to further justice do not need to be identical to one another, in agreement with one another, or to seek sameness or dominance; rather, they seek shared broad purpose, with a sense of humility, openness and willingness to dwell with and learn from the perspectives of others. These are what Lugones calls “deep coalitions” across difference, requiring ongoing relational and ethical practices which are alert to power and potential harms. Lugones points to practical strategies and tactics, as well as the hidden possibilities for intimate everyday resistance in everyday life. These are what we see in the examples we present in this chapter.

For women and gender-diverse academics, and particularly those with intersecting minoritised identity characteristics, experiences of workplace marginalisation are regular reminders that university systems were built by men, for men. The ideal academic worker is flexible and adaptable, unencumbered by domestic or carers’ obligations (O’Shea et al., 2023) and presents with a tidy, uninterrupted career trajectory. In Australian higher education, there is ample evidence of who such a system favours: just 38% of the Australian professoriate identify as women (Australian Government Department of Education, 2023). Imbalances are clearly visible in Australia’s university senior leadership roles responsible for strategic decisions, policy making and steerage: 75% of Vice Chancellors, 63% of Deputy Vice Chancellors, and 60% of senior university executive personnel are men (Hamilton et al., 2022), with many from Caucasian and British backgrounds (Law & Croucher, 2020). While women and gender-diverse colleagues are still highly successful within this system, this requires their navigation of complex, gendered expectations structured by masculinised “rules of the game” (Gilbert et al., 2024), where success is evidenced via competitive individualism, easily quantified research metrics and more frequent opportunities to lead.

Australian universities acknowledge workforce gender inequality through targeted policy development; participation in international accreditation and awards programs for gender equality, diversity and inclusion; and the development of senior positions or portfolios tasked with addressing these. Figures related to hiring and promotions are used as evidence of the university’s achievements in this area and many Australian university websites demonstrate their “institutional peacocking” (Yarrow & Davies, 2022), using public-facing accolades and badges to demonstrate action and commitment.

The Understanding and Addressing Everyday Sexisms in Australian Universities national project (Australian Research Council DP210101258) sought to investigate the interpersonal practices that accompany known structural inequities. We refer to these as “everyday sexisms” – incidents, circumstances or situations where the sensation of (hetero)sexism (and accompanying racism, ableism, etc.) is present but could be explained away, minimised or misrecognised by both the individual(s) experiencing these and by perpetrators, participants and/or witnesses. These can appear small or even harmless in isolation, but – cumulatively – everyday sexisms reinforce and reproduce gender inequities, serving as barriers to career progression and leadership. Crucially, these are not routinely explored or included in gender equality metrics used by universities.

Evidence from 1,257 academic participants across 12 public universities showed that women and gender-diverse academics regularly experience forms of everyday sexisms, including experiences such as being treated as less competent or with less respect than the men they work with. Men in leadership roles were significantly less likely to report that they had witnessed their women and gender-diverse colleagues experiencing everyday sexisms, with ramifications for how attuned they may be to questions of gender, representation and access within their portfolios. Notably, not only were men academics significantly less likely than their women and gender-diverse colleagues to view (hetero)sexist attitudes towards women and gender-diverse people as a problem in Australian universities, almost 20% of participating men felt that the victims of sexism in the academy were, in fact, men (Ullman et al., 2023).

These and other findings from the research point to universities’ institutional commitments to gender equality as insufficient catalysts for systemic cultural change, since these fail to define, examine or address how sexism manifests within the structures and behaviours of university work. Our data highlights (some) men academics’ pushback to these initiatives, which draw attention to imbalances in seniority and leadership and upset traditional systems of power and privilege. Attending to everyday sexisms in academia requires troubling institutional frameworks for what constitutes evidence of gender equity and resisting any notion that this is a problem already solved.

Mulheres Contra o Fascismo – Thais Gavas

The fight against fascism worldwide, but especially in Brazil, is intrinsically linked to the resistance of women, whose political strength is vital to the defence and expansion of civil rights and the consolidation of a democratic and pluralistic society.

In general, the proposals presented by women build a connection between the material and the symbolic, enabling bodies to express themselves and protest on behalf of themselves, others and democracy (Butler, 2018).

In 2018, Brazil experienced a period of intense social and political mobilisation in the context of the presidential elections. The candidacy of then-federal deputy Jair Bolsonaro was characterised by an explicitly reactionary stance, expressed through misogynistic and LGBTQ-phobic statements, which served as a basis for his attacks on Brazilian democracy.

Numerous manifestations arose in opposition to Jair Bolsonaro, who was perceived as a representative of a state model oriented by financial capitalism and colonialist, exploitative logic. This model sought the abandonment of social welfare in favour of the domestication and subjugation of bodies to ensure its perpetuation (Castro, 2018).

Resistance to contemporary barbarism is not new in Brazilian politics. However, the feminist movement’s reaction to Bolsonaro’s candidacy employed a strategic mobilisation through social media via the hashtag #EleNão (Not him, in Portuguese), culminating in political demonstrations involving diverse social movements and regarded as the largest feminist protest in Brazil (BBC, 2018).

The #EleNão movement, as an expression of both digital and physical feminist insurgency, can be understood as “a grassroots, capillary, and microscopic movement that simultaneously organises political action and serves as a convergence point for other feminist mobilisations, both online and offline” (Pinheiro-Machado & Burigo, 2018).

Currently, it can be asserted that the #EleNão movement represented a social realignment in which the collective identity of feminist women, as observed by Mouffe (1999, p. 34), was able to transform the material and symbolic conditions of diverse groups of women ‒ in their legal, economic, political and social dimensions ‒ and generated political appropriations and linearities capable of overshadowing internal differences in the face of an antagonistic relationship with the societal model represented by Bolsonaro.

The female-led mobilisation embodied by the #EleNão movement highlighted women’s central role as fundamental political agents in resisting the authoritarian setbacks instituted during Bolsonaro’s administration, as well as throughout Brazilian history more broadly.

By emerging as a collective identity that is unified, yet plural and multifaceted, women were able to articulate struggles that combine both symbolic and material dimensions, challenging the conservative political project that, to this day, seeks to domesticate and subjugate bodies and subjectivities.

Nonetheless, this dynamic also underscores the necessity of recognising the complexity of the social categories involved, thereby transcending homogenising and universalising views of “woman”, as argued by Mouffe (1999), and enhancing political strategies that are attentive to intersectionality and intragroup diversity.

Therefore, women’s participation in Brazil’s political landscape not only confronts concrete adversities within social and institutional spheres but also reaffirms the potential for building a democratic, emancipatory and inclusive project grounded in social justice, plurality and respect for differences.

Feminist Football – Jorge Knijnik

What is football doing in a feminist chapter? Scholars exploring the overlap between gender studies and sports frequently encounter scepticism. Football is often perceived as too trivial, and the societal stakes too significant, to believe it could serve as a catalyst for feminist transformation (Burke, 2019). This raises a critical question: should the goal of achieving gender equality within football be considered a meaningful endeavour worthy of inclusion in the diverse feminist movements emerging from the Global South?

In the third decade of the 21st century, such questions ‒ often raised within circles of self-proclaimed feminist intellectuals – tend to overlook the diverse lived experiences across the southern hemisphere. It is within the realm of daily life, where real, perspiring bodies engage physically on the playing field – colliding, interacting, and negotiating space – that the dynamics of gender relations are either reinforced or reshaped. It is in these visceral, embodied encounters that the fight for gender equality takes on a concrete and visible form. It is within these lived social realities that football holds a dominant presence.

Football is deeply woven into the cultural fabric of Latin America (López de D’Amico & Verenzuela, 2022). In South America, the sport embodies a profound contradiction. It was introduced as a tool of cultural domination during colonial rule, serving to suppress and overwrite Indigenous traditions. Yet, over time, the colonised populations began to reshape the game by infusing it with elements of their own cultural identities. Through this transformation, they reclaimed their voices and forged a new, hybrid cultural expression. Likewise, we envisage women’s football in Latin America as “an arena of resistance and conflict, a site for the development of sweeping counterhegemonic strategies” (Cusicanqui, 2012, p. 95).

Football – both as a physical activity and as a platform for meaningful conversation – is recognised here as a vital instrument. It forms part of a broader political initiative aimed at empowering communities to challenge the oppressive elements embedded in cultural expressions. Through this process, people assert their unique identities and strive towards building a more just and sustainable world.

We contend that the physical expressions displayed on the football field represent one of the most potent forms of communication available to Latin Americans. Through the intentional use of bodily movement during a match, South Americans can transcend conventional boundaries of time and space, opening the possibility for the emergence of an emancipated and more equitable gender order within society.

Yet this emerging social order has long been restricted by a rigid, colonial framework of gender that enforces binary divisions (Oxford, 2019). This system goes beyond the conventional male X female dichotomy and extends into the realm of women’s football. Within the sport, it establishes hierarchical binaries such as the “neoliberal permitted athletes” who benefit from access and visibility, contrasted with “ostracised competitors” who remain excluded from essential opportunities (Oxford, 2019).

In women’s football, this entrenched norm continues to confine bodies, stripping them of their capacity to generate a transformative language rooted in resistance. An anti-colonial feminist approach to football must dismantle the inherited gender structures imposed on South American women. It must cultivate multiple alternative social frameworks that confront and disrupt the dominant geopolitical narratives of knowledge. This reimagined order should open authentic avenues for civic engagement through football across the continent. Crucially, it must prevent women’s football and its players from being reduced to mere symbols of neoliberal inclusion. Instead, they must reclaim agency over their futures (Cusicanqui, 2012) and actively dismantle the colonial gender regime at every level to build an inclusive feminist football.

Gender Matters – Susanne Gannon

Feminist activism is not always spectacular or public. Working for gender justice is laborious, time-consuming, and takes place in peripheral spaces where networks, coalitions and alliances form and persistence fuels change. In Australia, this was evident in a bureaucratic context in the final decades of the last century, when feminist agendas on equal opportunity and non-sexist education were, for a short time, embedded in educational administration, policy and practice with the support of governments, teacher unions, advocacy groups, parents and academics (McLeod, 2017). Promoting gender equity in schools was part of the project of working towards democratic and inclusive societies (Gannon, 2025a). Gender was then understood through binaries of male/female, man/woman, boy/girl and masculinity/femininity. Gender equity initiatives were supported with policies, classroom resources, advisers, and networks across states, systems and stakeholders – culminating in the national policy: Gender Equity: A framework for Australian schools (1997) (Gannon, 2016). Notably, although feminist bureaucrats and educators were very busy during this period, there is minimal evidence of young people’s contributions. Students were positioned as objects of policy rather than having agency to actively shape gender equity initiatives. These policy efforts were critiqued for producing “competing victims”, where progress for girls was perceived to be at the cost of boys; and for intersectional blindness, or disregard for how gendered disadvantage is compounded by racism, colonisation, poverty and heteronormativity; and eventually they collapsed under conservative political backlash and a change in federal government. Over time, gender equity policy disappeared from schools.

The research Gender Matters: Changing Gender Equity Policies and Practices in Australian Secondary Schooling (Australian Research Council DP190102116) aimed to explore this policy aporia and evaluate current understandings and experiences of gender in schools (Gannon et al., 2026). Student voice was central to our design. We interviewed more than 100 school students, recent school leavers, teachers, and school leaders about gender equity in everyday school life. Gender injustices were diffuse and often recognisable in retrospect. Participants remembered subtle slights and putdowns as well as overt hostility. Everyday sexisms, microaggressions, misogyny, homophobia and transphobia infused the atmosphere of some schools, so that surviving school became the goal for some young people. We also found teachers and principals who actively cultivated gender-inclusive atmospheres and processes, particularly in the ACT, where gender inclusion was explicit in the Safe and Supportive Schools Policy (2016) mandated for government schools.

We asked participants how concepts of gender were changing and what schools and society needed to do to keep up in these volatile times. Young people emphasised gender fluidity and freedom to identify beyond binary gender and advocated for respect and inclusivity for a more equitable society (Gannon, 2025b). They were no longer prepared to accept stereotypical gendered roles and limitations. They were active in “teaching up” about gender to their teachers, parents and older generations (Smith & Robinson, 2024). Although students were keen to shape inclusive school policies and practices, school structures mitigated against their impact. For example, despite ‘tokenistic’ consultations on gender-inclusive policy, students in an independent faith-based school described how they were stymied by conservative school governance, risk aversion and narrow perceptions of appropriate femininity (Gannon et al., 2026). In other NSW schools, student complaints about gender injustices tended to be individualised and focused on specific events, meaning that progress was short-term rather than embedded.

Student activism for gender justice was overt in the ACT senior colleges, which all had student-led LGBTQ+ Ally groups that met regularly and were supported by teacher mentors who mediated for them with school staff and leaders. Activism through LGBTQ+ Ally groups encompassed strategies to promote visibility of gender diversity (rainbow cupcakes and pronoun button giveaways), through to reallocation of school spaces (gender-neutral toilets) and processes (inclusive class lists), educational campaigns (professional development for teachers, anti-violence), research and data collection (surveys, reports to school assemblies), and consultations at state level with policymakers around system-wide change to promote gender justice in schools. More widely, students in these schools were willing to speak up about injustices as they understood what was tolerable and what was not, according to their gender-inclusive school ethos. These modes of steady and consistent activism may not be apparent beyond their schools, yet their influence was likely to lead to lasting change.

Conclusion

Author Note

Susanne Gannon https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2182-3615

Jacqueline Ullman https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6999-423X

Thais Gavas https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2034-6530

Jorge Kijnik https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2578-8909

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Susanne Gannon. Email: s.gannon@westernsydney.edu.au.

Acknowledgments

Thanks to the Australian Research Council, which funded two of the projects we report on in this chapter. Understanding and Addressing Everyday Sexisms in Australian Universities (Australian Research Council DP210101258) was held by Mindy Blaise, Emily Gray and Jacqueline Ullman. Gender Matters: Changing Gender Equity Policies and Practices in Australian Secondary Schooling (Australian Research Council DP190102116) was held by Susanne Gannon and Kerry H. Robinson, with research also conducted by Prue Adams (PhD candidate) and Erika Smith (Project Manager).

SDG Alignment

Goal 5: Gender equality

Cite This Chapter

Attribution

Except where otherwise noted, this work by Susanne Gannon, Jacqueline Ullman, Thais Gava and Jorge Knijnik is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Research Integrity Statement

1: Everyday Sexisms – Jacqueline Ullman

This project was approved by the Edith Cowan University Human Research Ethics Committee (2021-02202-BLAISE) prior to the collection of any data. Cross-institutional approvals were provided by Western Sydney University (RH15035) and RMIT (no identifying ID provided).

2: Mulheres contra o fascismo – Thais Gava

This publication is based on analysis of publicly available information that does not involve identifiable personal data. Ethics approval was not required.

3: Feminist Football – Jorge Knijnik

This publication is based on analysis of publicly available information that does not involve identifiable personal data. Ethics approval was not required.

4: Gender Matters – Susanne Gannon

This publication reports research involving human participants. Ethics approval was granted by the Western Sydney University Human Ethics Committee (approval number: H13308). Informed consent was obtained from all participants.

All authors

The authors declare no known competing financial or non-financial interests that could have influenced the content of this publication.

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